Allegations of deep judicial corruption and political manipulation are mounting in Turkey, as opposition leaders accuse pro-government lawyers, prosecutors and judges of orchestrating a systematic campaign against Istanbul’s opposition-led metropolitan and district municipalities.
Coercion and unlawful cash-for-release offers
The scandal first broke in late July when businessman Murat Kapki, detained in the sweeping investigations against Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB), accused Mücahit Birinci – a lawyer and former ruling AKP executive – of attempting to extort him.
Kapki alleged that Birinci visited him in Tekirdağ prison on 31 July, and asked him to sign a written statement prepared by Birinci himself which contained false allegations implicating mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu in corruption, and demanded $2 million in exchange for his release. Kapki refused and later filed a complaint.
CHP leader Özgür Özel disclosed the allegations on 14 August, denouncing what he called a “acquittal-for-sale marketplace.” Prosecutors eventually and reluctantly opened an inquiry, yet the fate of that investigation remains unpromising for justice.
The “stock market for justice” network
Days earlier, Özel had already exposed what he described as an organised network of prosecutors and lawyers allegedly coercing detainees into fabricating testimony. Families were approached with the same formula: sign statements implicating İmamoğlu prepared by prosecutors, pay hefty sums, and secure release.
One figure at the centre was lawyer Mehmet Yıldırım, accused of touring companies and detainees’ relatives, collecting vast sums while promising judicial favours. Opposition sources claim to hold bank receipts, CCTV footage and recordings.
On 7 August, Yıldırım was arrested in Antalya while allegedly attempting to flee the counry. Though prosecutors charged him with “trading in influence,” he was quickly released into house arrest. He admitted taking large payments from İBB officials but claimed they were legal fees.
The “second Birinci case”
On 17 August, a new twist emerged. Fatih Keleş, president of the İBB Sports Club and jailed alongside İmamoğlu, revealed he too had been approached in prison with the same offer.
According to his sworn complaint, lawyers Recep Seyhan and Hamza Uçan visited him in late July and early August. They allegedly pressed him to validate another detainee’s testimony and to admit to a fabricated assassination plot. Keleş refused. Days later, pro-government daily Sabah published a front-page story accusing him of orchestrating a hit job.
Keleş filed a criminal complaint accusing the lawyers and a Sabah editor of extortion, coercion, abuse of office, and spreading false information. He cited prison visitation logs, CCTV footage and the newspaper story as evidence.
A culture of impunity
These revelations resonate with a broader pattern of judicial corruption documented by rights groups. In June, Istanbul’s powerful chief prosecutor Akın Gürlek faced corruption claims himself, reinforcing opposition fears that politically loyal figures remain shielded from accountability. Retired judges have described the judiciary as being in a phase of “self-destruction.”
“This is not justice – it is racketeering,” said Özgür Özel at a mass rally in Tuzla. “A network of prosecutors, lawyers and newspapers has turned the judiciary into a marketplace.” Opposition leaders argue the real corruption lies within the judiciary itself.
Lawfare against İmamoğlu
The stakes are highest for İmamoğlu, Istanbul’s mayor and widely seen as Erdoğan’s strongest potential challenger in the 2028 presidential election. As POLITICO reported, he faces an avalanche of cases: 42 administrative and 51 judicial investigations, ranging from the serious to the absurd — from “threatening a prosecutor” to allegedly kicking the tomb of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror. Prosecutors are seeking sentences of up to 25 years, enough to impose a political ban.
The prize for being loyal to Erdoğan
The emerging picture is of a judiciary that not only prosecutes political opponents but fabricates evidence, extorts detainees, and weaponises the press. Critics say the İBB cases lay bare the degree to which courts have been politicised, functioning less as an independent institution than as an extension of the presidency.
Ali Yıldız, director of the Arrested Lawyers Initiative, argues the time is long overdue to confront this reality:
“Turkish courts no longer care about evidence, human rights conventions or constitutional principles. They just look for instructions from the executive, namely President Erdoğan. Criminal and administrative proceedings against Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu are directly linked to Erdoğan’s strategy of eliminating key assets of the ‘enemy’ camp in the run-up to the 2028 elections.”
The career of Akın Gürlek, Istanbul’s chief prosecutor, illustrates how loyalty is rewarded. In 2021, despite multiple convictions he issued being overturned by the Constitutional Court for rights violations, Gürlek was promoted to “first-class judge” status by the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK). He was soon appointed deputy justice minister, and later elevated to Istanbul chief prosecutor. Almost immediately, he spearheaded the lawfare campaign against opposition mayors — a trajectory that opposition voices say shows how the judiciary has been transformed into a weapon of political power rather than a guarantor of justice.
Categories: Turkey Human Rights Blog